The Best Elections Money Can Buy
10/30/2002
Executive Summary
One of American democracy’s
most pressing problems is that large contributions—which only a fraction of
the American public can afford to make—unduly influence who can run for office
and who wins elections in the United States. While many observers focus on quid
pro quo corruption and the influence of money on politicians, the
wholesale influence of money on the outcome of elections is a more far-reaching
distortion of the American political process. Indeed, if campaign contributions
did not affect election results, it is doubtful that donors would have any sway
with legislators once elections are over.
Experience teaches us that
money is a critical factor in determining election outcomes. In 2000, 94 percent
of the candidates who raised the most money won their general election contests.1
In the 2002 congressional primaries, 90 percent of the biggest fundraisers emerged
victorious.2
The dominance of the most
prolific fundraisers might not be noteworthy if candidates were raising money
from average citizens. In this scenario, the amount of money a candidate is
able to raise would be an approximate proxy for his or her level of support
in the community. It would therefore follow that those with more grassroots
support would win most elections.
However, recent research
has shown that this is far from the case. For the 2000 election cycle, 46% of
the itemized individual contributions to candidates came at or above $1,000.
3 Yet only 0.11% of the voting age population of the United
States made a contribution at this level.4 For the 2002 congressional
primaries, 73% of the itemized individual contributions to candidates came from
the 0.07% of voting age Americans who made contributions at or above $1,000.
5 Fully 90% of itemized individual contributions to candidates
in 2002 primaries came at or above $500, yet only 0.12% of voting age Americans
made a contribution that large.6
The end result of our current
big money political system is that a small number of special interests and wealthy
donors exert a disproportionate amount of influence over which candidates are
able to mount viable campaigns for office and who wins elections.
In this report, we predict
that the biggest fundraisers, who are able to leverage the support of large
contributors, will continue to win almost all of their election contests.
The recently enacted Bipartisan
Campaign Reform Act of 2002—often called the McCain-Feingold bill—doubled the
amount that wealthy donors may contribute directly to candidates from the current
limit of $1,000 per election to $2,000 per election, or $4,000 per election
cycle.
While the legislation included
many helpful provisions intended to curb the influence of “soft money,” or unlimited
contributions to political parties and unchecked spending by outside interest
groups, the increases in hard money limits will augment the influence of the
wealthiest donors. Therefore, in the immediate future, the problem of big money
candidates mobilizing support from a small group of large donors to vastly outspend
their opposition is likely to get worse, not better.
Notes
1 Look Who’s Not
Coming to Washington. U.S. PIRG Education Fund, January 2001.
2 The Wealth Primary,
U.S. PIRG Education Fund, October 2002.
3 Reinforcing the Rich. Public Citizen, February 2001.
4 Ibid.
5 The
Wealth Primary, U.S. PIRG Education Fund, October 2002.
6 Ibid.
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