Turning Medicine Into Snake Oil: How Pharmaceutical Marketers Put Patients At Risk
5/3/2006
Executive Summary
False and misleading prescription drug advertising
is common and dangerous. Prescription drug
marketers are inundating doctors, and to a
lesser extent, the public, with marketing that
misrepresents risks, promotes unproven uses,
and makes unsubstantiated claims. The false and
misleading messages are communicated through
conventional advertising, sales representatives,
doctors speaking on behalf of drug marketers, and
through clinical trial suppression, manipulation
and misrepresentation. Sadly, the Food and Drug
Administration (FDA) is ineffective at addressing
the problems. This report takes a comprehensive
look at all of these facets of the prescription
drug marketing problem and suggests effective
solutions.
FINDINGS IN BRIEF
We looked at enforcement letters FDA sent to drug
marketers from 2001-2005. Our research reveals:
Deceptive drug marketing is pervasive,
dangerous, and primarily aimed at doctors.
• From 2001-2005, 85 companies received 170
notices from the FDA explaining that the
marketing for 150 different drugs was false and/or
misleading.
• 62% of the false or misleading messages targeted
doctors, and those messages were expressed by
38 different types of advertising. By contrast, the
public was exposed to 17 different types of false
or misleading ads.
• The false messages were serious: 35%
misrepresented risk; 22% promoted unproven
uses; and 38% made unsupported or misleading
claims. For deceptive messages targeting doctors,
37% misrepresented risk; 24% promoted
unproven uses; and 36% made unsupported or
misleading claims.
Recidivism is rampant.
• 28 companies—approximately 1/3 of the total—
received more than one letter declaring their ads
false or misleading in the five years we examined.
In fact, these companies accounted for two-thirds
of all the letters received.
• 26 companies received more than one letter
relating to advertising for the same drug that was
deemed false or misleading in the same way.
Deceptive marketing includes sales
representatives.
• Sales representatives, as a group, form long and
deep relationships with doctors, beginning in
medical school. Research suggests those early
relationships increase doctors’ receptiveness to
sales representatives once they are in practice.
• Perhaps reflecting those relationships, other
research has shown that sales representatives have
a profound influence on prescribing decisions.
• Sales representative statements accounted for 30
of the 869 deceptive messages in the FDA letters,
an amount that is enormous given the very small
percentage chance that the FDA will detect such
statements. Other research suggests that as much
as 11% of sales representative statements are false
and favorable to the product they pitch.
Deceptive marketing includes clinical trials.
• In the letters identifying advertising as false or
misleading because it contained unsupported
claims, FDA highlighted at least 82 times that
the advertising cited clinical trials for propositions
they did not support. In some instances, the cited
trials even contradicted the claims.
• Drug marketers turn clinical trials into marketing
tools by suppressing some unfavorable data; by
using PR firms to write favorable reports (the PR
firm does not appear as an author of the report, instead a doctor is retained to be the named
author); by misrepresenting unfavorable data
that is published; and, most subtly, by designing
studies to get only the results they want.
Our numbers dramatically
understate the problem.
The FDA letters we examined do not address
anywhere near the full universe of prescription drug
marketing.
• The FDA routinely reviews only “classic”
advertising and does not comprehensively
monitor sales representatives, doctors acting as
pitchmen, or clinical trial data manipulation.
Moreover, the FDA’s review of classic advertising
is not complete; not all ads are submitted to it,
and of those that are, the FDA only reviews some.
• The FDA letters rarely identify how many times,
or where, an ad was used. A deceptive print
ad may have run in several newspapers and
magazines. Each of those print runs would be
another dissemination of the deceptive messages
in the ads.
• The FDA reviews advertising after it has been
disseminated and only requires corrective
measures a quarter of the time.
• The best measure is how many people internalized
the deceptive measure, an impossible figure to
determine. The 869 disseminations of deceptive
messages that we were able to count from 2001-
2005 included TV ads, print ads, and other mass
media. How many people are deceived by a single
deceptive TV ad watched by a million viewers?
Similarly, a single sales representative may convey
deceptive messages to hundreds or thousands of
doctors in a year.
RECOMMENDATIONS
States Can Solve the Problem
• To address the scientific misconduct that is the
suppression, manipulation and misrepresentation
of clinical trial data, states should establish a
comprehensive, searchable database of clinical
trials. Drug marketers would register every
clinical trial done in humans for every drug they
sell in the state. To be successful, the clinical trial
registry must include all the clinically significant
aspects of the trial design and trial results. Such a
registry would be placed in the state’s department
of health, and could be financed with registration
fees from the drug marketers.
• To address the problem of deceptive classic
advertising, deceptive sales representative
statements and deceptive doctor-to-doctor
marketing, states can create a new type of
citizen lawsuit. This would allow citizens
to sue for injunctive relief—stopping the
false advertising and conducting corrective
advertising—reasonable attorney’s fees, and,
at the judge’s discretion depending on the
circumstances of the case, civil penalties payable
only to the state. Suits could only be won if the
deceptive advertising created a public health
risk; deceptive advertising that misleadingly, but
not dangerously, hypes a drug’s properties would
not qualify. Doctors, their patients, attorneys
general, and in certain instances, the public,
would have standing to sue, depending on the
type of marketing.
Examples of sufficiently dangerous advertising
might include promoting a drug for illnesses for
which the company knows it’s not effective, or
denying or consistently minimizing serious risks.
The advantage of this approach is it enables the
recipients of deceptive advertising—the people
who can most easily detect it—a way to address
the problem but it avoids creating financial
incentives that would distort enforcement.
Increasing Enforcement at FDA
To make the FDA a potent regulator able to
prevent and correct deceptive advertising, it needs
more power and financial resources to:
• Review all advertising submitted to it before
it is disseminated, in a commercially relevant
timeframe, so that deceptive classic advertising is
not used;
• Review sales representative training materials
and make unannounced inspections of training
sessions;
• Review the presentation materials for talks given
by doctors on behalf of drug marketers and make
unannounced visits to the talks;
• Require and oversee corrective advertising in
every situation where deceptive marketing occurs;
• Require drug marketers to get the FDA’s approval
before citing any study as support for any claim;
and finally,
• Levy significant fines against drug marketers, fines
that escalate to truly punitive levels, to serve as a
deterrent and eliminate today’s rampant recidivism.
The Medical Profession’s Role:
Improve Prescriber Education
and Information Resources
Th e medical profession and the independent
organizations and academic institutions that service
it can help.
• Doctors need better access to independent,
accurate, digested information about drugs. The
information produced by the clinical trial registry
should be packaged by an independent group or
agency into a form easily useable by prescribers
who want information about treatment options.
The information provided should include not only
the clinically important information about each
drug, but also how the drug compares to other
treatments in terms of safety, efficacy, and cost.
The Drug Effectiveness Review Project
(DERP) generates this information, but it is
aimed more at policy makers than prescribers.
Similarly, Consumers Union takes DERP’s
data and packages it for patients, as part of its
BestBuyDrugs project. To the extent that the
information is already accessible (for example, The
Medical Letter), the profession must find a way to
ensure that doctors use it. Only by breaking their
reliance on sales representatives and other sources
of promotional information can doctors ensure
they are getting unbiased information.
• Medical schools and teaching hospitals
should heavily invest in training students and
residents to be skeptical of pharmaceutical sales
representatives and to rely on independent sources
of information.
REPORT ROADMAP
After introducing the problem and laying out the
regulatory context, the report presents the results of
our analysis of the most comprehensive database on
false and misleading advertising available: FDA’s
enforcement letters to pharmaceutical companies
engaging in deceptive marketing practices. We
look at five years of letters to see what kinds of false
messages pharmaceutical companies are directing
toward whom and how. We also explain why those
numbers are grotesque understatements of the
problem. One reason they are understatements is
that they mostly address conventional advertising,
such as ads in professional journals or on TV; they
rarely address sales representative statements or the
presentations made by doctors consulting for the
drug marketer. The latter activities are currently
beyond the FDA’s resources to monitor.
Then we look at the ways the FDA currently fails to
address even the classic advertising slice of the false
marketing problem, the one it monitors as closely as
it can. As part of our evidence of the FDA’s failure,
we describe the high rates of “general recidivism,”
that is, drug marketers that have received multiple
letters from the FDA about their false or misleading
marketing, and “specific recidivism,” that is, drug
marketers who have received multiple letters about
their advertisements for a single drug, advertisements
that are all false or misleading in the same way.
We
complete our analysis of the deceptive marketing problem by focusing on
the marketing outside of the FDA’s routine review. Specifically, we
focus on prescription drug sales representatives and clinical trials.
Sales representatives are powerful marketing forces because they have
many opportunities to interact with physicians, and the evidence shows
that they give false and misleading information far too often. As
disturbing as our findings in this area are, they may be mitigated to
some extent, given that doctors may expect sales representatives to
present misleading information. After all, their job is to sell drugs,
not educate physicians. Clinical trials, however, are the cornerstone
of prescription drug science, and few physicians let alone patients
would anticipate the extent to which drug marketers shape and control
them.
We conclude with concrete solutions that states
can take now and off er recommendations for
addressing FDA’s problems. Fortunately, steps the
states can take are powerful enough to rein in the
drug marketers to the point where the public can
again be confident that they and their doctors are
consistently receiving accurate information. Best of
all, the state steps are inexpensive.
THE APPENDIX—CASE STUDIES
To fill in the big picture of deceptive marketing
we sketch, we present six case studies of deceptive
marketing of prescription drugs in the appendix,
located in the center spread. Four—Vioxx,
OxyContin, Paxil, and Neurontin—are offered
primarily to illustrate different features of the
problem and to convey how deceptive messages can
permeate drug marketing. Two other case studies,
Accutane and Tindamax, are included to highlight
the FDA’s inability to police drug marketers.
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